Editor's
note: This is a compilation of news items and articles originally
published in Turkish. With the exception of the introduction, we do
not claim any intellectual nor political credit for the text. All the
analyses belong to the authors of the texts referred to at the end of
each paragraph. Yet, the mistakes and misinterpretations are due to
our misunderstanding of the analyses.
Please read our previous news item on the subject and check the Syria label for further comments.
On
Saturday, May 11th, two car explosions were reported in Reyhanlı,
Turkey. The first numbers were 4 dead and 20 injuries. The number of
deaths later increased to 8, then to 22, and then to 46, and then
came the media blackout issued by the government, prohibiting any
kind of journalist activities on the matter. In general, such big
events cannot be analyzed without a big margin of error due to
macro-political secrecies, but this time we do not even know how many
citizens lost their lives. There is a widespread rumor, claimed to be
reported by local hospitals, that the actual number is 177 deaths,
and as for injuries hundred seems to be the significant digit.
This
news item aims at separating evidence-based factual information from
speculative analysis. This is not to underrate political analysis in
any way. Due to media blackout accompanied with auto-censorship in
mainstream media, it became especially difficult to reach proper
information on the matter. Therefore, we have had hard time preparing
a well-designed analysis.
Facts
and observations
After
the explosions, government officials pointed the Assad regime and so
did the media. Vice prime minister Beşir Atalay claimed that the
investigations concluded that Al Muhaberat, an organization allied
with the Syrian government forces, is responsible for the attacks.
Minister of Internal Affairs Muammer Güler confirmed Atalay's
statement.[1]
On Sunday, 10 people were arrested for investigations. The
authorities did not let anyone enter the crime scene, including
parliamentarians of the opposition parties. A deputy reported that
the excuse was that they were collecting evidence, yet what the
deputies observed was that the police was destroying evidence with
heavy construction equipment. [2]
The
locals are outraged due to the complete indifference in media, as
almost all TV channels continued showing their prime time programs,
ranging from sitcoms to reality shows. One local, when noticed the
camera of a BBC journalist after a funeral, complained “What are
you doing? We warned you hundreds of times before, you ignored it.
Look, I am an enemy of this state. Let them put me in jail, I hope
they do.” Another one reacted “So many people died, no one is
sharing our sorrow. TV channels are shouting at us with their
entertainment shows. What kind of mourning is this?” [3]
The
National Intelligence Service (MİT) claimed that the bombs were
loaded in Ar-Raqqah, Syria. This does not seem plausible due to the
followings: Since March, Ar-Raqqah is under control of the Al Nusra
Front, an organization affiliated to Al Qaida. It is a town that is
300 km away from the Yayladağı border gate, which MİT claimed the
cars crossed the border. The area is strictly controlled both by the
Syrian state and by the rebels. Furthermore, this would imply that
two cars loaded with explosives managed to pass through the border
gates of Turkey, which in fact turns out to be the only reasonable
part of the narrative. [4]
The
government officials repeatedly argued that this was the first time
the Syrian civil war affected Turkish citizens. This is plain wrong,
recalling the terrorist attack in Gaziantep in August 2012 killing
nine [5]
(successfully covered up by the government), and the Free Syrian Army
militants who tried to cross the borders without passport check and
get into a conflict with the security forces on May 2nd, killing one
security official in Akçakale. [6]
What
is actually happening?
There
are two scenarios voiced by the political analysts.
First
is that the Syrian regime is responsible for the attacks, menacing
the Turkish government for supporting and sheltering the rebels. The
aim is to put Turkey's Syrian policies into question in public
opinion and therefore isolate Turkey's aggressive interventionist
policies with respect to Syria. As Turkey would not get enough
support from the US, who in turn is continuing its bargains with
Russia, Turkey would have to converge into a more cautious position.
The
second scenario is that the attack is a provocation to get Turkey
involved in the conflicts in Syria. Some elements in the opposition
organized the attacks to create outrage and terror in the public,
resulting in a more aggressive policy with respect to Syria. The
government, in search of becoming a “regional leader”, may have
direct role in the attacks. If it doesn't, it would still use this
opportunity with this perspective. In short, the attacks are a kind
of September 11 for Turkey, a provocation to make the government take
active part in the Syrian civil war. [7]
We
observe that the latter scenario is swept away in mainstream media,
both Turkish and international. Yet it is voiced coherently among
Turkish left, and we therefore want to highlight some of its main
features below.
We
start by summarizing an
analyis by Hamide Yiğit in Sendika.org.
The
explosions were first reported in The Syrian Revolution 2011 website
of the Free Syrian Army (FSA). The website said “Explosions in
Reyhanlı. Tens of deaths.” This does not sound natural, given that
Turkish news agencies were yet reporting 4 deaths at that moment.
Yet
there is an important detail. Mohamad Damascian who uploaded the
video to the page commented “Admin, here is the video. Take it
Erdoğan. With Allah's permission, the next bomb will be in Ankara,
pig!” After a while when the Turkish media and the Syrian rebels
started to state that the attacks were done by the Assad regime, the
video was deleted and re-uploaded without the comment.
Yiğit
notes that this website consists of heterogeneous members, belonging
to a variety of opposition groups. Hence, it is not straightforward
to relate a post with a particular organization such as Al Nusra or
FSA.
It
is well known that FSA and Al Nusra have conflicts of interests,
although both are supported and partially controlled by the Turkish
government. After the US and France putting Al Nusra into the list of
terrorist organizations, it is plausible to assume that Turkey may
have put a distance, and that therefore Al Nusra is now attempting to
threaten the government.
Lastly,
Syrian Information Minister Umran Zubi made a press conference on
Sunday and argued that “the real terrorists are Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan and his government”. Zubi firmly rejected any
responsibility and relation to the attacks, calling the dead citizens
“martyrs”. He also underlined that the Turkish government is
trying create an excuse to take the support of NATO for invading
Syria.
Next,
we highlight some points in an
analysis of Hatice Pınar Şenoğuz, published in Bianet.
The
article of Şenoğuz highlights that the Turkish state is actually
standing firm in its border policies, in a semipermeable way.
The
government first called the refugees “guests”, but later, when
necessary, did not hesitate to send them back through the mined zone
(Kilis, September 2012) or to start shooting at the borders to stop
new comers due to lack of space in the camps. (Kilis, September 2012
and Akçakale, April 2013) When the tensions increased in Hatay, the
city governor sent the refugees out of town. However, the government
did not bother about the tensions caused by the rebels sheltered in
the camps nor did it reallocate military camps to less tense regions.
Furthermore,
it was reported that the security cameras on the streets were off due
to a “system error”. Apparently many of the 73 security cameras
were pointed directly at the explosion zones and this system error
occurred a few days before the explosions. [8]
Finally,
we would like to emphasize that government officials never mentioned
a call for a national mournin (although RedHack organized one by
hacking the website of Hatay City Governance [9]).
This may be considered as a further evidence to argue for the
government's intention for increased aggression.
Now
we are waiting for the Erdoğan and Obama meeting, it seems only
after that will we receive more news/analysis about Reyhanlı
according to the needs of this strategical collaboration.
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